pdf (file size: 10 MB, MIME type: application/pdf). Expand view. Elisabeth Roudinesco & Michel Plon, Dicionário de psicanálise, trans. Écrits, Paris: Seuil, , PDF. Élisabeth Roudinesco, Jacques Lacan: esquisse d'une vie, histoire d'un Dicionário de psicanálise, trans. Psicanalista, doutora em psicologia clínica pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica . No Dicionário da Psicanálise, de Roudinesco e Plon (), consta que a.
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Angústia - Roudinesco. Uploaded by .. Pertinências da Psicanálise Aplicada - Escola da Causa ryaleomitsuvi.gq Uploaded by Dicionário de ryaleomitsuvi.gq Élisabeth Roudinesco (Romanian: Rudinescu; born 10 September ) is a French historian .. Dicionario de psicanalise, Michel Plon, Zahar, De Que Amanhã, Jacques Derrida, Zahar, Filósofos na tormenta,Canguilhem, Sartre, Foucault. Roudinesco and Plon () adds, also, another important (Roudinesco & Plon, , p. ) Roudinesco & M. Plon, Dicionário de psicanálise (V.
The study of the system of thought of dynamic psychiatry , psychotherapies and psychological medicine no longer echoes back to a single founder, but to a plurality of singular itineraries, shattering the biographic model.
Thus, the study of system of thought becomes the form in which, at a given time, knowledge achieves independence, finding balance and entering into communication: a history of a man who thinks, systems which intertwine, but also a critical analysis of the concepts of consciousness and subject of knowledge. From , Lacan felt preoccupied by the generalized decline of the patriarchy and tried, like Freud and the English school, to promote the father figure within Western society, under the form of a symbolic function.
Roudinesco highlighted the fact that the genius of Lacan's work is the introduction of elements from German philosophy e.
Critic[ edit ] Physician and philosopher Raymond Tallis wrote a scathing review of the first English language translation of Roudinesco's biography, stating "The innocence with which Roudinesco reports all kinds of clinical cock-ups [in Lacan's medical career] makes this book a particularly disturbing read for a medic.
For Roudinesco, it was necessary to include the analysis of patients into the analysis of doctrines as a major constituting element of the discourses of psychopathology.
Freudianism and politic[ edit ] Roudinesco think that invariant conditions are required to introduce Freudian ideas and establish psychoanalytical movement in a given space. First, a psychiatric knowledge must have been previously constituted, namely a gaze over madness able to conceptualize the notion of mental illness to the detriment of explanation such as divine possession.
Secondly, the existence of a State of right capable of guaranteeing the free practice of a transmission like the transferential kind. Whenever one or both of theses elements are lacking it explains why the establishment of Freudianism has not been possible era of the world influenced by Islam or whom the organization is still tribal or its disappearance under totalitarian regime, nazism and communism. She was a friend of Jacques Lacan - and whose sister was the feminist Louise Weiss , of the Javal family.
Her father was physician Alexandre Roudinesco, of Romanian origin, who had "a passion for history and a phenomenal library". He was born in Bucharest in a Jewish and francophile milieu, and his father had been an editor. She also took classes with Michel de Certeau , Gilles Deleuze and Michel Foucault at the time of her master's degree [ citation needed ]. At that time, her work concerned linking a singular trajectory and an author's work, without resorting to psycho-biography, in other words, the psychologization of literary work by the clinical study of its author.
This approach allowed her to demonstrate that most of 20th century literature has been influenced by the history of Freudianism and psychological medicine based on the theory of degeneration. From , Elisabeth Roudinesco writes a history of psychoanalysis in France. At that time, the main model was still the biography, because the archives and documents of the psychoanalytical movement were still in the hand of Freud 's heirs.
Indeed, this model corresponded to the historiographical trend centered on the notion of the founding father figure; a trend which is at the core of any quest of origins. However, this model has gradually declined. Considering how psychoanalysis was established as a movement and system of thought, Elisabeth Roudinesco asserted that France was the only country where all the necessary conditions were gathered together, over a long period of time, to successfully establish Freudianism in scientific and cultural life.
Then, the Dreyfus affair , which has precipitated the arrival of intellectuals' self-awareness as a class. Designating themselves as an 'avant-garde', they furnished fruitful and innovative ideas.
Scholarly historiography emerged with such work as Henri Ellenberger 's The Discovery of the Unconscious: The History and Evolution of Dynamic Psychiatry , first published in Though this book had been known in English-speaking countries since that date, the book published in French in remained largely unnoticed in France.
Elisabeth Roudinesco republished it with a lengthy new preface in In his work, Ellenberger developed a conceptuality of freudianism founded on archivistics and reference to the concepts of "mental tools", "long length" and "system of thought".
In Mimesis II, the author would understand the "as if", i. This position is intermediate because it has a mediation function. Finally, Mimesis III would designate the meeting between the text and the reader or spectator. The narrative has its full meaning when it is restored to the time of the action.
This moment characterizes the application. There will be an intersection between the world of the text and the reader's world. According to Ricoeur,17 the dialectics between aporia and poiesis consists of the relationship between time and narrative. Narratives would be no more than "stories that have not yet been told" p. If an action can be narrated, it is symbolically mediated.
If an action is symbolic, it is within the culture and therefore shared through a linkage with the public: an interaction. This is what leads to the question of agents individuals who act. Agents have characteristics containing ethical qualities. There are no actions that do not give rise to approval or reproof, in accordance with a series of values in which goodness and evil constitute the poles.
For example, Ricoeur recalled the pity that is felt for some characters because of their undeserved misfortune, which he called esthetic pleasure associated with empathy. Thus, he highlighted a trait that is inherent to action: it can never be ethically neutral. From this reference point, narratives would be mediations between action and language. In studies on historical narrative, Burke2 saw narrative as mediation between structure and events.
In his opinion, all histories represented particular points of views. Narrators of history would need to find a way of making themselves visible: by declaring who they were and what their points of view were like collective health researchers. This would be an ethical conditioning factor and it would have consequences for knowledge production.
Methodologically, Burke proposed to "densify" the narrative, i. This would be a way of mediating structures and events.
Furthermore, there would be the possibility of exploring the narrative in various ways: micro-narratives, back-to-front narratives inversion of the chronological order and narratives that present the same events from multiple points of view.
In a way resembling what is done in qualitative evaluative health research with stakeholders, Burke drew attention to multiple voices heteroglossia. This was tried in a recent study in which focus groups were transformed into narrative focus groups. Going now into the field of communications, other views can be mapped out. In situations of subjects that are communicating, there is always a relational bias, produced through the action of affecting and being affected by the other subject in the narrative mediation.
Thus, according to these authors, narratives offer resources for dealing with events whether they are small or large, or intense or insignificant that emerge in the only apparent repetition of experiences of day-to-day life. Knowledge of day-to-day life and communication experiences requires attention to narratives. However, such narratives are not "given" factors: they need to be devised through an "eye for creating narratives"10 that establishes links between the different fragments that are circulating.
This eye for creating narratives gives rise to the everyday forms of articulation. This would a preferred method for studying new practices. Attention needs to be given to how this collocation approximates to Ricoeur's, with regard to narratives as stories that have not yet been told and which are symbolically mediated. Narratives emerge as a result of interrelations between social forces and they characterize possible balances between historical and social flows. Since narrative is language, it should fit within the textual economy as dialogue with other texts and as a set of sociohistorical characteristics that locate a context.
Narrative is open to interpretation at the same time as conditions for its circulation, reception and production are established. Thus, it links relationships of power, policies and identities within the context that are perceived both diachronically and synchronically, thus denoting a complex relationship between narratives and social discourse. In the relationship between text, narrative and discourse, the conditions for the introduction and circulation of social utterances, ideologies and the realities of day-to-day life can be seen.
Lyotard12 also indicated some fundamental functions of narrative forms.
Narratives contain positive or negative formations describing successes or failures of the heroes that give legitimacy to institutions, thereby defining criteria for competence. In the evaluative research conducted by the present authors, in which several focus groups of professionals within the new mental health services were constituted, narrative constructions were demonstrated.
In these, systematics for how these services function could be identified, in which the agents themselves pointed out what should be considered successes or failures. This research experience shows yet another question indicated by Lyotard, among the functions of narrative forms: the question of accepting that there is a plurality of language plays,12 with several types of enunciation.
This mixes the reported competences into a dense fabric, from the perspective of the entirety. In dealing with social practices in the way that health service practices function, this potential seems to be of fundamental importance.
Furthermore, Lyotard deals with another property of narrative forms relative to the means of transmission that gives them a pragmatic note: narrators only have competence through having been a listener, and the person now receiving the narrative becomes elevated to the same authority.
The "narrative positions" are distributed in such a way that there is compliance with the sender's position, since this sender was previously a receiver and was placed as a diegetic reference particularly because of bearing a name: " What is transmitted with the reports is the group of pragmatic rules that constitutes the social link" Lyotard12 p.
They define what can be said by right or can be done within the culture and, since they are part of this culture, they are legitimized. According to Lyotard, the reports are language games articulated in a narrative manner and are the minimum relationship required for their to be society, given that even before humans are born, they are already placed as reference points for stories told by people that surround them.
This positioning of humans within the universe of history from the earliest times now makes it possible to come to the work of Kristeva,9 a psychoanalyst and linguist.
In a very careful reading of Arendt, Kristeva stated that life was a narrative and would be specifically human under the condition that it could be represented by a narrative and shared with other men. Thus, a life full of events that can be narrated becomes a biography. Kristeva believed that Arendt, unlike Ricoeur, would undertake rehabilitation of praxis more than poetics. This would be because only action as narration and narration as action would characterize this "bio" life that is specifically human.
Thus, this type of life would weld the relationships between life, narrative and politics, since life in the polis is always mediated by words. Narrative, the ability to enunciate a biography, becomes as necessary as it is problematic, since, no matter how brilliant a narrative may be, it would not be able to save a life.
According to Arendt, narration tells the story but action wins if it is a narrated action. Furthermore, the place of action is always the polis. Narrative would thus constitute a political model grounded in actions and words, but never one without the other. To answer this question, Kristeva analyzed the relationship between phronesis practical knowledge and sophia theoretical knowledge.
Instead of asking, "what do you know? The relationship between true history and recounted history would also have to be questioned. The existence of interest, the generator of memory and witnesses, draws attention to the distancing of what is experienced ex-post facto; the thinking can be divided by means of a plot.
The memory of the action makes it specific action. From Kristeva's reading of Arendt, his view was that what was essential was not the internal coherence of the narrative as Ricoeur's reading of Aristotle indicated but, rather, to identify the agent of the story. In this approach, the art of narrative would consist of condensing an action into an example interval, extract it from the continuous flow and reveal the subject of the action.
In the case of the research produced by the present authors, six narrative focus groups were initially designed, formed by workers from each of the Psychosocial Care Centers, with varying composition of professionals, and another four groups composed respectively of users, family members, local managers and administrators Figure.
Following the second stage of the focus groups, the possibility was highlighted that new voices and certain destabilizations of the recently but not less instituted way of working the equipment were among the voices that in the original design were weakest: nursing auxiliaries, users and family members.
The revelation of this "who", of which Kristeva spoke by means of Arendt, allowed new openings to be added to the original design: a focus group just for auxiliaries and greater participation in numbers by family members and users in the final workshops for agreeing on indicators.
Furthermore, the presentation of narratives, which were constructed based on the material from the narrative focus groups, in a second round of focus groups given the name hermeneutic groups, because they would have the task of interpreting and legitimizing the narratives not only allowed questions of the legitimacy of the narrations to be addressed, but also made it possible to work on the "narrative capability effects".
The groups confirmed the arguments, deepened the discussions and expressed changes in relation to the initial situation.